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Common Forex Trading Challenges In San Antonio: Legal Solutions

Common Forex Trading Challenges In San Antonio: Legal Solutions

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By Ian Caine Ian Caine Scilit Google Scholar 1, * , Rebecca Walter Rebecca Walter Scilit Google Scholar 1 and Nathan Foote Nathan Foote Scilit Google Scholar 2

Received: 22 February 2017 / Revised: 4 April 2017 / Accepted: 12 April 2017 / Published: 19 April 2017

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(This article belongs to the Special Issue on Sustaining Suburbia: Reassessing the Policies, Systems and Forms of Decentralized Growth)

This paper catalogs the suburban expansion of San Antonio, Texas through the decade between 1890 and 2009, a time frame in which the city reorganized its morphological structure four times. The city occupied a grid of 36 square miles until the late nineteenth century; spread radially along tram lines during the early twentieth century; it grew concentrically along the automobile ring roads during the mid-twentieth century; and assumed a polycentric organization for the past two decades. This research puts San Antonio’s recent demographic and geographic boom in historical perspective, using completions in host Bexar County to answer the following question: How have the shape, location, and type of suburban development changed over 120 years? The research reveals three trends: first, that historically concentric growth patterns began to take on a polycentric configuration at the end of the twentieth century; second, that patterns of centrifugal expansion began to accelerate dramatically during the same time period; and third, that the relative increase in multifamily completions has outpaced that of single-family completions in five of the last six decades. These findings suggest that the City of San Antonio, in order to establish a sustainable growth model, must prioritize the opportunities and constraints associated with polycentric suburban expansion.

The topic of suburban sprawl is timely for the city of San Antonio, Texas. With an estimated population of 1,469,845, San Antonio is currently the second largest city in the state and the seventh largest in the United States [1]. The city will add 500,000 jobs and 500,000 housing units by 2040, a testament to a strong and diverse economy built on healthcare, education, the military and tourism. All this in a city that has added 430,000 people in the last ten years [2]. This growth will increase the population of host Bexar County by 65%, with much of the population influx occurring within the San Antonio city limits [3]. This demographic expansion would likely lead to significant geographic expansion. The city’s current footprint covers 467 square miles, with a relatively low residential density of 3017 people per square mile [3] (Figure 1).

Common Forex Trading Challenges In San Antonio: Legal Solutions

Our research already captures the impact of this growth, measured as a function of construction completion and developed land area. A comparison of the 1990s and 2000s, for example, shows a 165% increase in completed construction and a 185% increase in developed land area (Table 1). These data reveal the largest relative increases since World War II and the largest total increases ever.

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The dramatic expansion of population and land area has led city planners to advance a series of recent policy efforts, including a comprehensive master plan, a transportation plan, and a sustainability plan. These documents outline the growth plan until 2040. The explicit goal of the Comprehensive Plan, adopted in 2016, is to determine the direction and form of future physical growth, distribute the projected population and direct infrastructure investments [3]. The Comprehensive Plan recognizes that economic activity in San Antonio is broadly distributed across 13 regional nodes, nine existing and four new, which together account for half of the city’s employment and non-residential development since 2000 [3]. The comprehensive plan also recommends further investment in these nodes, with the hope that they will be transformed into mixed-use centers [3]. The city is also preparing an $850 million bond campaign to finance major infrastructure projects. Together, these two policy efforts will go a long way in determining San Antonio’s ability to maintain existing environmental, financial and infrastructure systems in the face of unprecedented local growth.

Our research catalogs the history of suburban sprawl in San Antonio to help policymakers and residents make more critical decisions about where and how to grow. We begin our exploration in 1890, the first time the city began large-scale expansion beyond its original colonial grid of 36 square miles. Over the next 120 years, San Antonio was transformed many times over; extending its historical footprint in a linear fashion along the tram routes, multiplying the growth in a concentric fashion along the car ring roads, and finally assuming the complex polycentric footprint that the city exhibits today.

While the beginnings of suburban development in the United States date back to the early nineteenth century, it was not until the second half of the twentieth century that suburbs fully eclipsed central cities as the primary site for residential and economic development in US cities. Mieszkowski and Mills [4] note that between 1950 and 1990, the percentage of residents living in central cities, as opposed to larger metropolitan statistical areas, declined from 57% to 37%, while the percentage of jobs declined from 70% to 45 %. Wheeler [5] finds similar trends in his study of six US metropolitan areas, finding that 88% of their total urban area was developed after 1940, a time period when suburban morphologies achieved dominance. Farris [6] locates a similar disparity in a study of 22 large central cities, finding that during the 1990s they accounted for only 5.2% of the city’s total new housing permits.

The rise of suburban morphologies during the second half of the twentieth century generated continued and widespread disdain from planners, policy makers, and architects. Early detractors such as Peter Blake [7] criticized the suburb mainly in aesthetic terms, lamenting the negative visual impact of billboards and power lines on former views of the countryside. More recently, opponents have focused their ire on the alleged social and environmental disadvantages of suburban development [8, 9]. This critical discourse, impressive in its breadth, depth and diversity, generally falls under the rubric of New Urbanism or Smart Growth [9, 10, 11, 12]. These related movements are bound by a series of design and political prescriptions, many of which seek to recapture the best qualities of the pre-car city. Some of the most common strategies include increasing population density, reintroducing street grids, expanding mixed-use zoning, and investing in mass transit networks.

San Antonio Zoo

In the last decade, however, there has been a shift in attitudes toward suburbia as critics have increasingly embraced the inherent form and logic of suburbia. Robert Bruegman [13] constructs a strong historical argument for this position, reminding us that the geographic decentralization that defines the suburbs is not unique to postwar American cities. In fact, even ancient cities like Babylon, Ur, and Rome included transitional or suburban zones, which by definition fall somewhere between urban and rural conditions.

Joel Kotkin [14] similarly argues that the expanded decentralized structure of American postwar suburbs is fully capable of accommodating growth in an ecologically and socially productive manner. According to Kotkin, the appropriate role of policy makers and designers is therefore to facilitate further growth through more productive policy and formal arrangements within the existing suburban fabric. Architect Judith De Jong [15] posits a related position, arguing that suburbs offer the most powerful site for new formal and spatial explorations. She is less convinced than Kotkin that the garden suburbs of the early twentieth century offer the best way forward. Instead, De Jong suggests that the greatest potential for growth lies in outlying cities such as Tyson’s Corner, Virginia; inner ring suburbs such as Evanston, Illinois; or suburban areas like The Woodlands, Texas.

Kotkin and De Jong argue for a position that can be broadly described as the new suburb. This emerging paradigm accepts the inevitability and even legitimacy of post-war suburban environments, advocating a series of strategic interventions to improve these

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